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| author | Joe Carstairs <me@joeac.net> | 2026-08-03 16:22:29 +0100 |
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| committer | Joe Carstairs <me@joeac.net> | 2026-08-03 16:22:29 +0100 |
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| parent | a491f8c7b1ad98cb100458f96b80561240e5ba98 (diff) | |
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diff --git a/chapter0.md b/chapter0.md index c535b18..4dd1f45 100644 --- a/chapter0.md +++ b/chapter0.md @@ -1,7 +1,7 @@ ## Introduction -My thesis is that green rhetoric would be more successful were it to be more -apocalyptic, not less. +My thesis is that green rhetoric must be apocalyptic as modelled by the biblical +Apocalypse of John. While the word 'rhetoric' is often used to suggest empty or untrustworthy political speech, my sense is much broader than this. By 'rhetoric', I mean an @@ -10,59 +10,41 @@ are putting forth language with the intention of causing their audience to make something happen. By 'green', I am narrowing down that very broad category to specifically the -political rhetoric belonging to a particular historical situation: the green -movement^[We could use a range of epithets in the place of 'green': -'environmental,' 'conservation,' 'nature,' 'wilding,' 're-wilding,' 'climate,' -'ecological,' to name but a few. For the purposes of this dissertation, I will -prefer the name 'green' to refer to this movement and the closely-related -cluster of issues which these names represent.]. +political rhetoric belonging to a particular historical situation: the 'green,' +or 'environmental,' movement. In the 1960s, major environmental institutions rapidly gained mass membership, -especially among the urban professional middle classes, in many Western nations, -forming the basis of the modern green movement [@sutton-environment, p. 103]. -Rachel Carson's _Silent Spring_ caused a huge public controversy over the use of -poison to control alleged environmental threats, and thus helped to kick green -rhetoric up to the highest level of politics in the US and other countries -[@silent-spring, pp. 122-124]. In its wake followed wave upon wave of -legislation. To sample just some of the US federal legislation in the decade -following _Silent Spring_: - -- Clean Air Act 1963 -- Wilderness Act 1964 -- National Environmental Policy Act 1969 -- Occupational Safety and Health Act 1970 -- Federal Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act 1972 +especially among the Western middle classes, forming the basis of the modern +green movement [@sutton-environment, p. 103]. Rachel Carson's _Silent Spring_ +caused a huge public controversy over the use of poison to control alleged +environmental threats, and thus helped to kick green rhetoric up to the highest +level of politics in the US and other countries [@silent-spring, pp. 122-124]. +Waves of legislation followed, protecting clean air, clean water, and wildlife. From the beginning, one of the central issues of the green movement was nuclear -power. Throughout the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, nuclear power functioned as the -dominant 'master frame' of the green movement, so that all other green issues -tended to be framed in nuclear terms. +power. Until the 1980s, nuclear power functioned as the 'master frame' of the +green movement: all other green issues tended to be framed in nuclear terms. -For example, in _Silent Spring_, Carson wrote that 'only within the moment of time -represented by the present century has one species – man – acquired significant -power to alter the nature of his world.' This statement echoed widespread -sentiments about nuclear power. For example, in what became known as the -'Russell-Einstein Manifesto,' eleven eminent scientists including Bertrand -Russell and Albert Einstein appealed to the public to put aside national -security concerns and consider themselves 'only as members of a biological -species,' and warned that nuclear weapons threatened 'universal death' -[@russell-einstein]. Carson argued that 'the most alarming of all man’s assaults -upon the environment' was not nuclear weapons, but chemicals. Nevertheless, in -order to make her point, she adopted an explicitly nuclear framing: +For example, in _Silent Spring_, Carson wrote that 'only within the moment of +time represented by the present century has one species – man – acquired +significant power to alter the nature of his world.' This statement echoed +widespread sentiments about nuclear power such as that expressed in the +'Russell-Einstein Manifesto' [@russell-einstein]. Carson argued that 'the most +alarming of all man’s assaults upon the environment' was not nuclear weapons, +but chemicals. Nevertheless, she adopted an explicitly nuclear framing: > In this now universal contamination of the environment, chemicals are the > sinister and little-recognized partners of radiation in changing the very > nature of the world – the very nature of its life. [@silent-spring, p. 17] -At times, governments, particularly in nuclear-armed NATO states such as the US -and the UK, distributed public information campaigns informing citizens on how -to prepare for a nuclear attack, while secretly preparing in the knowledge that -tens of millions of civilians would be killed directly, probably resulting in a -total breakdown of civil society [@american-apocalyptic, pp. 48-53; -@young-2017; @waller-2026]. +At times, governments informed citizens on how best to prepare for a nuclear +attack, while secretly preparing for tens of millions of civilians to be killed +directly, probably resulting in a total breakdown of civil society +[@american-apocalyptic, pp. 48-53; @young-2017; @waller-2026]. -In the views of anti-nuclear campaigners, such rhetoric served to quell -resistance to pro-nuclear policies. A CND leaflet from the 1980s asserted that: +In the views of anti-nuclear campaigners, keep-calm-and-carry-on rhetoric served +to quell resistance to pro-nuclear policies. A CND leaflet from the 1980s +asserted that: > The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament does not wish to belittle the efforts of > Civil Defence workers who train themselves to help their fellow-citizens in @@ -70,38 +52,36 @@ resistance to pro-nuclear policies. A CND leaflet from the 1980s asserted that: > save millions if a nuclear war breaks out. They use Civil Defence to delude > people that Britain could survive an all-out nuclear attack. [@cnd-civil-defence] -To fight back against this rhetoric, rhetors invented terms such as 'nuclear -winter', 'nuclear holocaust', 'nuclear apocalypse', and 'nuclear Armageddon', -attempting to persuade their audiences that a nuclear war would bring about the -end of the world, and must therefore be avoided at all costs [see e.g. -@nuclear-winters-tale, chp. 6]. +To fight back, rhetors invented terms such as 'nuclear winter', 'nuclear +holocaust', 'nuclear apocalypse', and 'nuclear Armageddon', arguing a nuclear +war would bring about the end of the world, and must therefore be avoided at all +costs [see e.g. @nuclear-winters-tale, chp. 6]. Beginning in the late 1980s, climate change moved in to take over the role of the green movement's master frame [@rootes-2012]. However, the movement's -nuclear heritage left an indelible impression on the way greens talked about -climate change. Environmental campaigners tended to frame climate change in -terms of an impending sudden catastrophe which might strike at any time: a model -far better suited to the prospect of nuclear winter than that of climate change -unfolding over decades and centuries [@ertelt-2018, pp. 25-38]. In 1990, -Margaret Thatcher described the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) -as an 'early warning system' [@thatcher-1990-05-15]. The Greenpeace Report on -global warming of the same year noted that 'even nuclear-weapons laboratories -host conferences on the greenhouse effect these days' [@greenpeace-report, p. 1] -and concluded in response to what it called the 'greenhouse threat' that 'the -prospects of future environmental security being compromised by global warming -are now so real as to make adoption of a precautionary response imperative – in -other words, policy should focus on buying insurance' [@greenpeace-report, p. -460]. +nuclear heritage has left its mark. Environmental campaigners still tend to +frame climate change in terms of an impending sudden catastrophe which might +strike at any time: a far better description of nuclear winter than of climate +change [@ertelt-2018, pp. 25-38]. + +In 1990, Margaret Thatcher described the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate +Change (IPCC) as an 'early warning system' [@thatcher-1990-05-15]. The +Greenpeace Report on global warming of the same year noted that 'even +nuclear-weapons laboratories host conferences on the greenhouse effect these +days' [@greenpeace-report, p. 1] and concluded in response to what it called the +'greenhouse threat' that 'the prospects of future environmental security being +compromised by global warming are now so real as to make adoption of a +precautionary response imperative – in other words, policy should focus on +buying insurance' [@greenpeace-report, p. 460]. This is where green rhetoric stands today. In recent decades, many of the most -important political demands of the green movement have not been realised, and -many scholars have supposed that green rhetoric is not fulfilling its proper -function of delivering change. In this rest of this dissertation, I will first -explore why it might be that green rhetoric is failing to deliver political -change, before exploring in more detail one particular allegation: green -rhetoric isn't working because it is too apocalyptic. I will argue that this -diagnosis is unhelpful and untrue. In contrast, I will argue not only that green -rhetors must continue to use the motif of catastrophe most strongly associated -with apocalyptic, but they must draw deeper on other aspects of apocalyptic -language which have been heretofore neglected by green rhetors, if they are to -play their proper part in delivering political change. +important political demands of the green movement have not been realised. +Green rhetoric is not delivering change. + +In the chapters which follow, I will first explore why it might be that green +rhetoric is failing to deliver political change, before exploring in more detail +one particular allegation: green rhetoric is too catastrophic, or, in the terms +of some critics, 'apocalyptic.' In contrast, I will argue not only that green +rhetors must continue to use catastrophic language, but they must also draw +deeper on other aspects of apocalyptic language which have been heretofore +neglected, if green rhetors are to play their part in delivering change. |
