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| author | Joe Carstairs <s1806931@ed.ac.uk> | 2026-06-24 15:41:29 +0100 |
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| committer | Joe Carstairs <s1806931@ed.ac.uk> | 2026-06-24 15:44:27 +0100 |
| commit | 94a3edf8fde42d6c7a895a4cfcc137ea1d673235 (patch) | |
| tree | 256620020ef4df7351cd62ae0113b02196b1b333 /chapter3.md | |
| parent | 3818e7ec427afec55202f7fa7b5ef50e4fe953ac (diff) | |
chp3: green new deal needs ethic for martyrdom
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| -rw-r--r-- | chapter3.md | 83 |
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diff --git a/chapter3.md b/chapter3.md index cfbb06e..262c084 100644 --- a/chapter3.md +++ b/chapter3.md @@ -10,5 +10,84 @@ their audiences to a martyrdom ethic. In the previous two chapters, I've explored how and why contemporary green rhetoric is too often failing, and argued that the apocalyptic form is not one -of the root causes. In this chapter, I aim to show that when green rhetoric -succeeds, it draws much deeper on apocalypse than catastrophic narratives do. +of the root causes. In this chapter, I aim to show that in order for green +rhetoric to succeed, it must imitate some of the rhetorical strategies of the +Apocalypse. + +In order to consider how green rhetoric might succeed, I have to specify: what +is the rhetor trying to achieve? How are they hoping that it will be achieved? +And: who are they trying to persuade to do the achieving? + +So, for the sake of a discussion point, I will take the example of the Green +New Deal. The idea behind a Green New Deal, alluding by its name to the 'New +Deal' of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt \[?\], is a large programme of +government action at the nation-state level aiming to significantly change the +way the economy is structured for the better. + +There is no fixed list of measures a Green New Deal might contain, but the +centrepiece measures are likely to include strengthening environmental +regulations on industry and beefing up enforcement agencies; renationalising +key industrial sectors, particularly those in control of public goods such as +transport infrastructure or energy infrastructure; increasing tax on wealth and +corporations and closing tax loopholes; and spending the money on investment in +improving and expanding the public realm and subsidising local green +industries. + +The package may also extend, for example, to increasing spending on research +and development; raising tarrifs on underpriced imported solar panels and wind +turbines to support the development of national green industries; banning +fracking and other extreme forms of fossil fuel extraction; instituting a +moratorium on new data centres; making it easier for corporations to be sued +for environmental damages; subsidising heat pumps and home insulation; and, +yes, perhaps even raising carbon taxes. + +As with the original New Deal, the wide-ranging scope is thought to be a +crucial part of the proposal. Each measure is made more attractive to its +potential supporters because it comes as part of a package promising to +transform society for the better. + +Like the original New Deal, it is not intended to be attractive to everyone. It +is not designed to be attractive to owners of capital or senior managers, for +whom a Green New Deal would be very expensive indeed: it would result in huge +cuts to their salaries, bonuses and dividends, and reduce their power over the +economy. Nor is the Green New Deal designed to be attractive to neoliberal +ideologues, who determinedly believe that the invisible hand of the market will +eventually, eventually, eventually bring about a just society. It could, however, +be attractive to a large majority of, say, the UK electorate, covering proletarian +households in both the working classes and many of those in the middle classes. + +The original New Deal was largely made possible by an enormous (not to say +'apocalyptic') wave of industrial action. However, in the US in the 1930s, a +large proportion of the workforce was unionised, and employed in sectors such +as manufacturing, energy, and transport, where workers are gathered in +tight-knit communities on shop floors and strikes hit shareholders hard. In the +present UK context, unions encompass a much smaller proportion of the +workforce, and much of the workforce is employed in the service sector, where +industrial action can be difficult to organise and less effective than in +primary industries. Industrial action can still play an important role, and +Matt Huber [@climate-change-class-war] gives an excellent discussion of how +green rhetoric might be effective in that arena. But because of the structure +of the UK economy, it's likely that industrial action would have to work +alongside other forms of political action if a Green New Deal is to be brought +about in the UK in the next decade or two, and it's those other forms of action +which I'll focus on. + +Alongside industrial action, people in the UK can join political parties, where +they can shape policies by engaging in internal politics, by voting for +candidates for election, and by standing for election themselves. They can also +vote in general elections, ultimately resulting in electing a government which +prioritises a Green New Deal policy. In order to increase momentum behind the +movement, they can also join protests or take part in direct action. + +Notably, all of these actions may be difficult for those called to take part in +them. Getting involved in politics in any but the most trivial capacity +requires giving up evenings and weekends: annoying for, say, a Masters student, +but potentially a major sacrifice for an exhausted parent working a full-time +job. Standing for election could be costly to your relationships, and expose +you to ridicule and abuse. Depending on the action involved, protesting or +taking direct action could get you arrested. Meanwhile, the benefits of a Green +New Deal stand far off, and remain largely outside your control. The call must +then be to make a sacrifice for what is good, even if, paradoxically, it costs +you. + +This is, in John Collin's terms, an 'ethic for martyrdom.' |
