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authorJoe Carstairs <me@joeac.net>2026-08-04 14:05:31 +0100
committerJoe Carstairs <me@joeac.net>2026-08-04 14:05:31 +0100
commit455265016b5825a9a15656254af77ccc35a28621 (patch)
tree3c899e7838463c0df95b66a861db26bbd6a57554
parent6fba6148ad47d7f10001c7c16338d866dcd8c1f8 (diff)
cut back on over-use of 'radical'
-rw-r--r--chapter2.md8
-rw-r--r--chapter3.md6
2 files changed, 7 insertions, 7 deletions
diff --git a/chapter2.md b/chapter2.md
index cf88f5b..f4eba4e 100644
--- a/chapter2.md
+++ b/chapter2.md
@@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ Among the numerous complaints commentators have expressed about catastrophic
green rhetoric, I will examine three in particular. First, it is alleged that
catastrophic language encourages a fatalistic outlook and therefore persuades
audiences that no proposed solution can be credible. Second, catastrophe is
-supposed to promote business as usual and shut down radical discourses,
+supposed to promote business as usual and shut down critical discourses,
preventing rhetors from proposing truly credible solutions. Third, critics argue
that catastrophic thinking flattens out power relationships and thus contributes
to the 'death of politics,' driving rhetors to use the universal 'we' instead of
@@ -174,7 +174,7 @@ For some rhetors, the urgency of the crisis means that
established power structures must be supported to work at full throttle, and we
certainly haven't got time to replace or transform them. But if, as
many political analysts contend, green harms are an inevitable
-consequence of business as usual, then such narratives obstruct the radical
+consequence of business as usual, then such narratives obstruct the
political critique needed to propose a truly credible solution to green
issues. For example, the International Monetary Fund recently reported:
@@ -187,8 +187,8 @@ The IMF presumes that massive capital flows can only come from the private
sector, ignoring the fact that many historical economic transformations have been
driven by command-and-control. Tacitly, the IMF assumes that the neoliberal
order, in which governments are held hostage by markets, is permanent and
-inevitable. The figure of climate catastrophe functions here to shut down
-radical imagination. This contributes to the tendency of green rhetors
+inevitable. The figure of climate catastrophe functions here to prevent audiences from
+imagining a different kind of society. This contributes to the tendency of green rhetors
to propose incredible solutions, such as voluntary austerity, impossible global
agreements, or 'smart' market fixes isolated from a sustainable political
programme.
diff --git a/chapter3.md b/chapter3.md
index 838c4d0..98b6c2a 100644
--- a/chapter3.md
+++ b/chapter3.md
@@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ audience, John's visions of catastrophe were essential to his critique of the
Roman Empire. In contrast to the accusations of fatalism, conservatism and
death-of-politics levelled against contemporary green catastrophism, John's
catastrophism motivated his audience to action, undermined dominant ideologies,
-and exposed economic social structure as a basis for radical political critique.
+and exposed economic social structure as a basis for political critique.
Further, catastrophism only scratches the surface of John's apocalypticism, and
I'll show how three further aspects of his apocalyptic language add to his
rhetorical strategy. In the next chapter, I'll show how these features of John's
@@ -107,7 +107,7 @@ which he wants his audience to endure. Thus, as Ben Witherington III puts it:
Using this alternative catastrophic dialectic, exhorting his audience to endure
an ongoing disaster rather than avert a future one, is essential to John's
-radical politics. Andrew Chester [@chaos-new-creation] has explored in detail
+politics. Andrew Chester [@chaos-new-creation] has explored in detail
how John subverted the dominant Greek value-system, beginning with the
observation that in Rev 6:12-17, God's life-sustaining creative acts of Gen 1
are threatened with total annihilation:
@@ -173,7 +173,7 @@ analysis of power structures within Greek society, and particularly between the
rich and poor among Asian Christian churches.
As a result, apocalypticism has been a powerful force helping to mobilise
-radical social movements – for better and for worse – continually throughout
+transformative social movements – for better and for worse – continually throughout
Christian history. The Gregorian reforms, the Lombards, the Hussites, the
Lutherans, the Diggers, Columbus and the American 'Founding Fathers,' the
French, American and Haitian Revolutions, the numerous evangelical revivals, the