persecution
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---
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title: Why did the church become persecuting in the fourth century?
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description: >-
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In one generation, Christians in the Roman Empire went from officially
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persecuted to becoming imperially-backed persecutors themselves. It's
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important to understand why, to prevent the church from persecuting today.
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pubDate: 2025-12-11
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---
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In the year 325, Constantine stood before an assembly of Christian bishops. He
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had just the year before killed his last remaining rival in battle, leaving him
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as the sole Augustus of the Roman Empire, from Brittania to Arabia. Many of the
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bishops assembled before him in reverent awe sported scars from torture they had
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endured in the reign of Diocletian, Constantine's predecessor. Diocletian had
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sponsored an enormous and brutal persecution of Christians. But that generation
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of bishops were witnessing an epochal shift of power. Over his reign,
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Constantine would divert large chunks of the wealth and influence of the Roman
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state into the safe-keeping of the bishops. Under Constantine's leadership, the
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bishops would be transformed from enemies of the state to the state's agents.
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Official Roman persecution of Christians was decisively coming to an end. But
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the tragedy of the fourth century is that rather than ushering in a new age of
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religious tolerance, the bishops only continued the Roman habit of religious
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persecution, directing the force of the Empire first against internal rivals,
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'heretics', and then against pagans and Jews.
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Why did Constantine bestow so much power on the bishops? Part of the answer may
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be the creaking disfunction of the Roman state. The imperial systems for
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protecting the poor were falling apart. The justice system was notoriously
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corrupt, and was known to effectively be a means for the rich to get their way
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by paying for the best lawyers and greasing the palms of the judges. The
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poor-relief system, based on the magnanimity of local patrons, was stuttering as
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an increasing proportion of the aristocracy's surplus wealth went to fund the
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tottering military system, frequently consuming huge resources in ill-fated
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expeditions against the Sassanids or fighting coups and civil wars between rival
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emperors.
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The bishops were already in control of an impressive poor-relief system within
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Christian communities, and, unlike the Roman system, which rewarded rich
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philanthropists with honours, the Christian system encouraged patrons to give
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anonymously via their bishop, meaning the bishops were in control of how
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alms-money was spent. Some historians think of early bishops playing a social
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role rather like bankers in their communities. When Constantine ascended, they
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were ready to go with their own bureaucratic systems independent of the imperial
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civil service.
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Constantine may have regarded the bishops, fresh out of persecution, as less
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corrupt than imperial pen-pushers. However, in the long run, the effect of his
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transfer of power was to transform the episcopate into an alternative civil
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service, perhaps no less corrupt than the first. But how did this power turn
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into persecution?
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As the bishops became ever more powerful, Constantine and his successors became
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increasingly dependent on their power. Bishops had huge moral influence over
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their congregations, and their word had the power to stop -- or start -- riots.
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They also needed them to keep distributing poor relief on the emperor's behalf,
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an important foundation for the emperor's moral authority. When the hugely
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unpopular George of Cappadocia was installed in Alexandria in 357, the local
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widows refused to receive alms from him: as a result, they were physically
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beaten by George's imperial goons. Since the emperors needed the bishops'
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support, they became increasingly willing to acquiesce to their demands. And one
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of the bishops' demands was that the emperor use his authority to help them
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crush heresy.
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The bishops of the fourth century inherited a dichotomy between orthodoxy and
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heresy which had developed in the early church. Orthodoxy meant true belief,
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defined and enforced by the bishop. Whoever promoted false beliefs, and together
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with it insurrection against the bishop's authority, was defined as a heretic.
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It's difficult to explain exactly why this system emerged. It's true that faith
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lies at the root of Christian religion, and that Christ taught that he is truth.
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The Epistles are clear that false teachings can be dangerous, and Christians
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have a duty to resist them. But that doesn't in itself explain why the bishop
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gets to decide which teachings are true or false, nor why the myth of an
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unchanging apostolic orthodox teaching should have prevailed over the idea that
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Christian teaching can grow over time as it encounters new problems and
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contexts.
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This system may have been partly motivated by the need for a distinguishing
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feature for the Christian community in the absence of an identity based on
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nationality, social class, sex, or religion. It may have been some kind of
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reaction or defence mechanism in the face of persecution. Whatever the case may
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be, the result by the Constantinian turning point was that bishops had
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significant influence over their local Christian communities, and an ideological
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commitment to maintaining their communities' loyalty to the bishop and his
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teachings.
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And the bishops' desire to crush heretics only increased as the fourth century
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wore on. With the wealth and power of the civil service increasingly transferred
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to the episcopate, the aristocracy which had dominated the civil service
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inevitably moved in to capture the episcopate. Those aristocrats guarded their
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power jealously, and elections became increasingly marred by accusations of
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corruption. When Athanasius was elected in 328, he was accused of being
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underage, of bribing electors and of beating up his Meletian opponents once he
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got in office. No doubt, the aristocratic bishops were more than happy to use
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the church's concept of orthodoxy to keep out challengers, as Athanasius did
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when he used the label 'Arian' to describe just about anyone who wanted him out
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of power, no matter how distant their ideas were from those of Arius. As bishops
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found the need to fight ever stiffer competition for their jobs, accusations of
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heresy multiplied.
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As a result of their dependence on episcopal power, Constantine and his
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successors supported the bishops in their attempts to crush heresy. The bishops
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appealed to the emperor to adjudicate on disputes, and the emperor responded by
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calling councils such as Nicaea (325), Antioch (341), Constantinople (360) and
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Constantinople again (381). Under the emperor's authority, bishops were exiled
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from their sees, and some theological views were condemned as heresy while
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others affirmed as orthodoxy, to justify the empowerment of some and the
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dethronement of others. The particular orthodoxies implied by succeeding
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emperors was not consistent, leading to some emperors and councils being known
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to history as 'Nicene' and others as 'Arian'.
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Apart from simply doing a favour for the bishops, the emperors had their own
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reasons for wanting to defend the bishops from challengers. The bishops now had
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the keys to the welfare system and the justice system. The emperor therefore
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could not tolerate rival bishops fighting for authority. That would only
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undermine those systems, which underpinned imperial power and moral authority.
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The emperors may also have been motivated by the need to uphold true religion
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and keep peace in the Empire. It was a universal consensus that, if the Empire
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was to flourish, it would only be with God's blessing, and that would only
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happen in turn if the people were united in acceptable worship. Before the Edict
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of Milan in 313, which finally ended official persecution of Christians in the
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Roman Empire, there had been a long debate about whether Christian worship
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counted. It was controversial because Christian worship didn't look much like
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worship at all to pagan eyes, in particular because Christians didn't make
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sacrifices. When Constantine settled the issue in favour of Christians, it must
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have signalled a step change, where acceptable worship became less about proper
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rites and more about proper belief. This trend may have led emperors to regard
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heresy as a threat to the Empire's security. Further, where there were schisms,
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there was no peace, and the Emperor's mission, to unite the world under one
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government in perpetual peace, was incomplete.
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These forces amplified one another in a terrible feedback loop. As bishops
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increasingly were empowered to define and enforce orthodoxy, they increasingly
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monopolised local church leadership, which made them more desirable as imperial
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bureaucrats, which meant they got more power, which meant they were more able
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still to define and enforce orthodoxy. It was a spiral which led to the
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definition of orthodoxy being continually sharpened (even as the myth persisted,
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ever less plausibly, that they were defending pristine, unaltered apostolic
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teachings). Eventually, it pushed bishops to support persecution not only of
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Christians who disagreed with them, but also pagans and Jews.
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Orthodoxy may also have become more important in the fourth century because of
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the large number of new converts. With so much influx, insiders may have felt
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that their core belief-identity was being threatened, and so will have enforced
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orthodoxy more strictly, while outsiders may have felt the need to prove their
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authenticity by strongly committing to orthodoxy. Committing violence against
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heretics, pagans, and Jews may also have functioned as a way to prove that
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you're an authentic Christian. This drive towards violence was pushed especially
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strongly from the monastic sector, which exploded in scale in the fourth
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century.
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When orthodoxy gets sharp enough, it eventually gets sharp enough to cut the
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church in half. To put it another way, bishops competed to get imperial backing
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for their thinking, and therefore their right to power. Since this imperial
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backing must have some consistency to remain legitimate, this means orthodoxy
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gets standardised across the Empire, and that means that local differences of
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opinion become international schisms. Although the Arian controversy never
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resulted in a schism within the Empire, there were numerous schisms in the
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fourth and fifth centuries, culminating in the epic Nestorian schism, which
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split the imperial church three ways along Chalcedonian, Antiochene and
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Alexandrian fault lines.
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My main reaction to this period of church history is dismay. It seems to me that
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the church was captured by the Empire and the aristocracy. The church became in
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large part a way for powerful people to grab, hold onto and accumulate power.
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When that happens today, the Gospel is suppressed, and the church loses moral
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authority.
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To avoid this happening again, we ought to protect the right of Christians and
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others to believe and gather free from persecution. True belief is important,
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but that doesn't mean we should attempt to compel agreement. Christian leaders
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cannot enforce their teachings if dissatisfied Christians can just go to the
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church next door.
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Opening communion also disempowers those forces which seek to enforce orthodoxy.
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If the bishop can't bar you from taking communion, they can't force you to
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accept what they teach or to support their political programme.
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Finally, established churches are vulnerable to the perverse incentive
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structures of the state, and must be disestablished. The Church of England
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should not have seats in the Lords, should not crown British monarchs and should
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not be exempt from taxation.
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I believe in one holy, catholic and apostolic church -- but I do not believe in
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one opinion or one authority. My realistic ideal of church unity now involves a
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plurality of disestablished denominations which robustly disagree with one
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another on important points of belief, but which admit one another to communion
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and are willing to work together for the sake of the Gospel.
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I have to caveat my pessimism about the fourth century. As much as I regret the
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imperialisation of the church, I remain attached to the particular orthodoxies
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which it produced at Nicaea, Constantinople and Chalcedon. I've been convinced
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that they are important ground truths for theology, and have stood the test of
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time because they are intellectually robust. Other creeds and councils
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(including creeds from fourth-century councils) have been forgotten, but these
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stand tall. I suppose that Nicaea, Constantinople and Chalcedon give good
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guardrails for theology, and, whatever the political forces which gave rise to
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them, have been subsequently vindicated by their theological fruits and by the
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enduring testimony of the church.
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In summary, the church became increasingly persecuting in the fourth century as
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a result of the entangled interests of, on the one hand, an increasingly landed,
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aristocratic episcopate which needed to protect its influence amidst stiff
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competition, and, on the other hand, of embattled emperors who regarded the
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bishops as a better way of exerting the Empire's power and achieving the
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Empire's mission amidst the failure of the old imperial systems: provided they
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could be kept happy and kept in unchallenged power. This persecuting force
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produced the church's foundational ecumenical creeds, but was just as effective
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at producing disharmony as enforcing harmony, and ultimately led to the massive
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and ongoing Nestorian schism. This is a sober lesson for today's church, and
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should move us to protect freedom of belief and gathering for all, to
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disestablish the church and to open the communion.
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