arius
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title: Arianism
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description: >-
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I'm summarising what I've learned recently about Arianism: the heresy par
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excellence, named for the early-fourth-century Alexandrian priest, Arius. I'll
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conclude with some reflections on why we still need to reject Arian
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temptations and affirm Nicene orthodoxy today.
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pubDate: 2025-10-09
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---
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Arianism neither started nor ended with Arius. When he preached in the 320s, he,
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like so many of his contemporary Alexandrians, only followed Origen in
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subordinating the Son to the Father. In Alexandria, there was a strong emphasis
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on the absolute transcendence and perfection of God, and therefore the
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difference between that and the Jesus who was born, was tempted, suffered and
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died. Arius was unremarkable in that respect. He was only remarkable in drawing
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the logical conclusion: since God is indivisible, ingenerate, immutable, eternal
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and impassible, but the Son of God was begotten, born of a woman, was tempted,
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suffered and died, it follows that the Son of God is not fully God. The image of
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the Father, sure, but not sharing in his Godhead: that wouldn't do justice to
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the Father's Godhead.
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The movement later characterised as 'Arianism' did not share all his teaching.
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In particular, the idea that the Son was begotten in time -- that 'there was
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when he was not' -- was a slur, and respectable Arians accepted that the Son is
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eternal. Some historians deny that there was any coherent movement worth calling
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'Arianism', however, I think the creeds and councils of the fourth century show
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that there was a theological movement, self-consciously and unashamedly
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associated with Arius, which privileged God's transcendence over the Godhead of
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the Son. So, although the name 'Arianism' is certainly intended to be
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derogatory, and there was surely no conspiracy to follow Arius as such, I think
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the term 'Arianism' is meaningful and has a referent.
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Whether or not individual bishops completely agreed with Arius theology, very
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many were sympathetic to his pro-transcendence leaning. So, when he applied his
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considerable arts of persuasion to influential likeminded bishops like Eusebius
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of Nicomedia, he succeeded in establishing a considerable alliance behind him.
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What had already been a theological strain was forced by the heat of controversy
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to coalesce into a faction.
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Arius and his supporters were set back temporarily by the Council of Nicaea in
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325, when the emperor Constantine personally backed the homoousion under the
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impression this would resolve the dispute. But Nicaea lost influence very
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quickly, and the Eusebian faction gained ground. By 328, Arius himself had been
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reconciled into the church by Constantine. And through the 330s, Eusebius of
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Caesarea, another Arian sympathiser, repeatedly engineered the exile of key
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supporters of Nicaea, including Eustathius, Marcellus and Athanasius.
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In this period, it may be fair to characterise Athanasius as standing more or
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less alone in fighting against Arianism. This changed somewhat in the 340s, when
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he gathered the support of the bishop of Rome and many other western bishops in
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his cause. He remained anathema in the East.
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He still had a great deal of sympathy back in Egypt, however. The imperial
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administration had installed Gregory of Cappadocia, a stalwart Arian, in place
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of Athanasius as bishop of Alexandria from 339 until 346. Yet when Athanasius
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returned to reclaim his see in 346, he was greeted with, according to Gregory of
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Nazanius, 'universal cheers ..., nightlong festivities, the whole city gleaming
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with light, and both public and private feasting'. And when Arius was exiled
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again, and another Arian, George of Cappadocia, again installed in his place in
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356, the results were riots. When George attempted to carry out one of his key
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roles as bishop -- distributing money to widows -- many widows had to be beaten
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to accept money from his hands. After five years, George was lynched in 361. The
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people of Alexandria were roundly behind their local hero, and did not take
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kindly to Rome imposing their agenda on them by force.
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While Egypt held strong for Athanasius, the Arian party became ever more
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triumphant in the rest of the Empire. In 358 and 359, a series of fraught
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councils in East and West produced conflicting resolutions, and the emperor
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Constantius resolved in 360 to get the situation under control. He called a
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council to Constantinople and ensured an even result. These were the homoean
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creeds, asserting that while the Son is like the Father, we cannot and must not
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say anything about their ousia.
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These creeds have subsequently been called the 'Arian' creeds. The reason for
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describing the homoean party as 'Arian' is, first, that they explicitly rejected
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Nicaea and the homoousion, and second, they failed to affirm the full Godhead of
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the Son, saying only that the Son is 'like the Father' and that he is 'God from
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God', pointedly omitting the Nicaean elaboration, 'true God from true God'.
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The councils of 358-360 were chaotic. Councils overrode councils. The emperor
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rejected creeds and forced his own ones through. Swathes of bishops were
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banished or deposed. Amidst all the chaos, Athanasius found himself making
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unexpected friends: the Cappadocian Fathers, including Basil 'the Great', while
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preferring 'homoiousion' or 'like essence' to his Nicene 'homoousion' or 'same
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essence', ended up on his side against the triumphant homoeans. The violence of
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those councils bred hostility, and with a common grudge, a coalition had
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suddenly formed against the homoeans and around Nicaea.
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Perhaps Constantius might have been able to force his way, but he died in
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only 361. His replacement was Julian. While Julian's reign was short, he brought
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about a sharp change in direction.
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Julian, 'the Apostate', had converted from Christianity to paganism, and during
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his reign, the alliance between Church and Empire was briefly severed. In a
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deliberate attempt to sow chaos, he refused to mediate on behalf of the Church
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and allowed all banished bishops to return from exile. At one time, there were
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five competing bishops all in Antioch.
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One result of this severance was that bishops were free to form their own
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alliances and make their own case. As a result, the Nicene alliance emerged from
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Julian's brief reign decisively stronger.
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The Nicene alliance would have to wait until 379 for a sympathetic emperor. But
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once Theodosius acceded, the Nicene victory was absolute and irreversible. He
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decreed that all clergy had to agree to the Nicene Creed, and called a council
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to amend and affirm the Creed.
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This did not mean that Arianism died out. Eusebius of Nicomedia had sponsored a
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mission to the Goths, and, being outside of the emperor's grasp, they held
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strong to their Arian convictions for centuries after. Indeed, when the Goths
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later took possession of large parts of the Western Empire, Arians may well have
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significantly outnumbered Nicenes in the West, long after the matter was settled
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within the Empire. And certain theologies today, which seek to reduce Jesus to a
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mere emanation from or pointer towards a transcendent God, or a religious genius
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or a spiritual guru, rather than the real presence of God, are Arian in so far
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as they seek to protect the transcendence of God at the cost of his choice to
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dwell with us in Jesus Christ.
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So it's worth considering what's lost in the difference between the Nicene faith
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which is now indisputably Christian orthodoxy, and Arianism in all its forms. If
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a preacher today elides away Jesus' full Godhead, what does it matter?
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Three problems arise in consequence. One is that, if Jesus is not true God, then
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his miracles are meaningless. This is particularly problematic for those who
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want to read the Gospels as mere myth without affirming the truth of any of its
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particular historical content. If Jesus is not true God, then the miracles lose
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their mythic function. If Jesus is not true God, then a story about him healing
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someone far away has nothing to do with me. But if Jesus is true God, if he is
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Emmanuel, then his healings have the power to function as a mythic sign,
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pointing to something about God's plans to redeem the world. For his miracles to
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work as myth, whether or not they are true history, Jesus must be true God.
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Secondly, if Jesus is not true God, then what kind of salvation can he offer? If
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a mere man can save us from our sin, what does that mean about sin? If we can be
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saved by a religious genius, a guru, someone specially in-touch with the
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spiritual reality, then salvation is no more than fixing up the material world.
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How's that going, two thousand years on? Has the Church made any progress in
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translating Jesus' teaching into universal peace? No doubt the Church has done
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some good -- but it doesn't seem credible that the Church is about to fix the
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world's problems by following Jesus' self-help agenda. In contrast, if Jesus is
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God, we can affirm the biblical notion that sin is a crime against God, which
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separates us from him. Since it is a crime against God, only God can bring about
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reconciliation. And since God has proven that he is bringing about that
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reconciliation in Jesus Christ, we can hold strong to our trust in his promise
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not simply to fix the world according to its own rules -- for that would be
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impossible -- but to change the rules in a second creation.
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Finally, if Jesus is not true God, then we have no way of knowing anything at
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all about his relationship to God. If he is not true God, then all we can see in
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Jesus is a man. We can guess at some super-spiritual connection if we like,
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seeing his words, deeds and miracles as evidence of some semi-divine status. But
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that would be pure guesswork, in other words, wishful thinking, in other words,
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fantasy. Athanasius called it 'mania': pulling wild theological claims out of
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your own head with no substantial basis in reality. But if Jesus is true God,
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and God gives humans the gift of the Holy Spirit to recognise that Godhead, then
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we can know that Jesus is true God by seeing him for what he is. This is not
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fantasising without a grounding in reality, this is the most basic form of
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knowing: seeing and believing. If Jesus is not God, then Christian faith is
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fantasy, but if Jesus is true God, then Christian faith can stand firm.
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With Arius, we have a religion that reduces the Gospels to fairy stories with no
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relevance for you or me, a religion that reduces the Church to a struggling
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self-help movement, and a religion that rests on fantasy. But if we stick to
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Nicene orthodoxy, instead, we have a religion that reads the Gospels as true
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myth, real history profused with life-changing theology; a religion that can
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have hope for the world as still needing God's work of reconciliation to be
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perfected, yet containing within it anticipations of that future, including in
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the Church; and a religion that rests on true faith, certain knowledge derived
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not from wishful thinking but encountering the very essence of God in Jesus
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Christ.
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